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Prolotario
@Prolotario1
I said: Mass removal won’t lift wages because the jobs were never viable at legal wages.
Gianna said: I watched illegals take over construction by suppressing wages first, then raising them after takeover. Those aren’t contradictions. She’s describing how the labor got there. I’m describing what happens when you pull it out. Both are true!
I Do Not See Where The Disagreement Is
Was it read as Illegals aren’t the problem, wages are the problem, and illegals were just filling a gap?
If so let’s explore this further.
Gianna’s lived experience told her the opposite, illegals created the wage problem by flooding in and suppressing rates. She pushed back against a framing I never used. I was talking about removal outcomes. She’s talking about entry causes. She skipped past my actual point and argued with a ghost of a different argument.
Because American citizens would require more than just wage increases. The salon model she’s talking about is the same model my article is warning about.
If you deport every nail tech tomorrow, the $10 manicure doesn’t come back as a $25 manicure staffed by Americans. It comes back as $35, staffed by nobody, or it doesn’t come back at all because the volume isn’t there to support legal-wage operations in that location. The salon closes. The strip mall loses a tenant. The property owner drops rent. The tax base shrinks. That’s your GDP contraction point playing out at strip-mall scale.
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Dont get me wrong. She’s asking the right question how do non-English-speaking immigrants get capital and credit for commercial leases but landing on the wrong answer.
The 7-Eleven model, the motel model, the gas station model these are all built on ethnic referral networks that compound over decades. Patels own 60% of US motels because they started buying them in the 1940s and built a pipeline. That’s 80 years of compound networking.
Rotating credit associations within immigrant communities, family pooling, SBA microloan programs, franchise parent companies that actively recruit immigrant operators because they work harder for less, and lease structures where an established community member fronts the deal and the new arrival works it off.
Some would say nobody sat in a room and said “we’ll take over construction, then salons, then 7-Eleven.” What happened is that the border was porous, enforcement was selective, labor was cheap, and every individual actor followed incentives. The pattern looks orchestrated from the outside because it’s consistent across industries. But consistency born from shared incentives isn’t coordination from the bottom layer. It’s just parallel opportunism.
I would say someone did sit in a room (Think Tanks) and wanted to do to America what is being done in European countries.
The reason mass deportation won’t fix wages is the same reason mass immigration was allowed to suppress them nobody enforced the rules on either side of the equation.
-Employers weren’t penalized for hiring illegal labor.
-Borders weren’t secured.
-Wage laws weren’t applied to cash economies.
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The same regulatory indifference that let her ex flood a construction site with 150 illegals is the indifference that means those 150 jobs won’t become legal-wage positions when the illegals leave. Employers who gamed the system don’t suddenly become compliant because the labor pool shrank. They automate, shrink, or close.
My arguments were centered on the messy areas in between deportation and “AMERICAN ONLY INFLUX OF EMPLOYEES” in those same positions. Wages are arbitrary as every industry, job, or location will not pay the same.
Source(s):
• https://x.com/Prolotario1/status/2119919006874235038
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